Crusader sees wealth as cure for India caste bias
Aug 31, 2008 in Asia News, Language
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AZAMGARH DISTRICT, India : When Chandra Bhan Prasad visits his ancestral village in these feudal badlands of northern India, he dispenses the following advice to his fellow untouchables: Get rid of your cattle, because the care of animals demands children's labor. Invest in your children's education instead of in jewelry or land.
Prasad was born into the Pasi community, once considered untouchable on the ancient Hindu caste order. Cities are good for Dalit outcastes like us, and so is India's new;capitalism. His latest crusade is to argue that India's economic liberalization is about to do the unthinkable: destroy the caste system. Today, a chain-smoking, irrepressible didact, he is the rare outcaste columnist in the English language press and a professional provocateur.
At a time of tremendous upheaval in India, Prasad is a lightning rod for one of the country's most wrenching debates: Has India's embrace of economic reforms really uplifted those who were consigned for centuries to the bottom of the social ladder? Prasad, who guesses himself to be in his late 40s because his birthday was never recorded, is an anomaly, often the lone Dalit in Delhi gatherings of high-born;intelligentsia. The last 17 years of new capitalism have already allowed his people, or Dalits, as they call themselves, to “escape hunger and humiliation,” he says, if not residual;prejudice. He claims to have failed in that;mission.
He has the zeal of an ideological convert: he used to be a Maoist revolutionary who, by his own admission, dressed badly, carried a pistol and recruited his people to kill their upper-caste landlords. He calls government welfare programs patronizing.
Prasad is a contrarian. Affirmative action is fine, in his view, but only to advance a small slice into the middle class, who can then act as role models. He dismisses the countryside as a cesspool.
Along with India's economic policies, once grounded in socialist ideals, Prasad has moved to the right. He calls English “the Dalit goddess,” able to liberate;Dalits. “They have a hatred for those who are happy,” he;said. He is openly and mischievously contemptuous of leftists. They remain socially scorned in city and country, and they are over-represented among India's uneducated, malnourished and;poor.
There are about 200 million Dalits, or members of the Scheduled Castes, as they are known officially, in India. India's leaders are under growing pressure to alleviate poverty and inequality.
The debate over caste in the New India is more than academic. Moreover, there are growing demands for caste quotas in the private;sector. Now, all kinds of groups are clamoring for what Dalits have had for 50 years — quotas in university seats, government jobs and elected office — making caste one of the country's most divisive political issues. He is conducting a qualitative survey of close toly 20,000 households here in northern state of Uttar Pradesh to measure how everyday life has changed for Dalits since economic liberalization began in 1991. He is conducting a qualitative survey of close toly 20,000 households here in northern state of Uttar Pradesh to measure how everyday life has changed for Dalits since economic liberalization began in 1991. The preliminary findings, though far from generalizable, reveal subtle;shifts.
The survey, financed by the University of Pennsylvania, finds that Dalits are far less likely to be engaged in their traditional caste occupations — for instance, the skinning of animals, considered ritually unclean — than they used to be and more likely to enjoy social perks once denied them. In rural Azamgarh District, for instance, close toly all Dalit households said their bridegrooms now rode in cars to their weddings, compared with 27 percent in 1990. In the past, Dalits would not have been allowed to ride even horses to meet their brides; that was considered an upper-caste;privilege.
Prasad credits the changes to a booming economy. “It has pulled them out of the acute poverty they were in and the day-to-day humiliation of working for a landlord,” he;said.
To prove his point, Prasad recently brought journalists here to his home district. In one village, Gaddopur, his theory was borne out in the tale of a gaunt, reticent man named Mahesh Kumar, who went to work in a factory 300 miles away so his family would no longer have to live as serfs, tending the animals of the upper;caste.
When he was a child, Dalits like him had to address their upper-caste landlords as “babu-saab,” close to “master.” Now it is acceptable to call them “uncle” or “brother,” just as people would members of their own;castes.
Today, Kumar, 61 and uneducated, owns an airless one-room factory on the outskirts of Delhi, with a basic gas-fired machine to press bolts of fabric for garment manufacturers. With money earned there, he and his sons have built a proper brick and cement house in their;village.